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"Mayor Lays Riot to 'Vicious' Group," New York Times, March 21, 1935, 16.
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Members of the MCCH (13)
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Most newspapers reported in the same edition both the statement that Mayor La Guardia released on the morning of March 20 and had distributed in Harlem and his afternoon announcement of whom he had appointed to the Commission. Only the appointment of eleven committee members was reported in the Daily News, New York Evening Journal, and Brooklyn Daily Eagle, while their names were included in the Home News, New York World-Telegram, and Atlanta World. The New York Age published the names of only the six Black members, while the Afro-American only identified the office holders, Roberts, Villard, and Carter, and Hays. The names and the occupations provided in the mayor’s press statement were published in the Daily Mirror, New York American, New York Times, Daily Worker, and the New York Amsterdam News. The New York Post and the Norfolk Journal and Guide combined that occupational information with information on the political affiliations of each member. The New York Herald Tribune and New York Sun published more extended biographies of all eleven members.
La Guardia announced the members had been selected “because of their distinct contributions in their several fields,” according to a story in the New York Sun. He would later say that the appointments had been made "by advice,” according to the New York Age. There was no direct evidence of who offered La Guardia that advice. That it had not come from the leaders of Harlem’s social organizations was clear from the pointed request that James Hubert, the executive director of the Urban League, made to the mayor in a letter on March 26, “that in the future you will avail yourself of such assistance as is very easily obtained in Harlem and other Negro sections of the City to the end that whatever is undertaken may be accomplished as I know you desire the work to be done.” Instead, La Guardia appeared to have relied on those with whom he had political ties. Hubert Delany was likely one source of advice. La Guardia, who had appointed him tax commissioner, treated him “as an unofficial ombudsman for the black community” according to historian Thomas Kessner. (Delany was a member of the NAACP). The NAACP did send La Guardia a list of names on March 20 that included three of those appointed — Hays, Ernst, and Carter — but there is no evidence to confirm that the Mayor received that list before announcing the Commission members. Historian Stephen Carter argued that Eunice Hunton Carter may have been appointed in recognition of her willingness to run for a state assembly seat for La Guardia’s Republican-Fusion party the previous year. He noted that the party machine “had a tradition of finding places for candidates willing to run in tough cases against incumbents.” An Associated Negro Press story published in the Norfolk Journal and Guide attributed Carter’s subsequent appointment to Thomas Dewey’s team of special prosecutors going after the Mob to that obligation.
La Guardia subsequently added two additional members, a Black clergyman and a white clergyman. Only the New York Amsterdam News reported those appointments, suggesting that the mayor's office did not announce them in press statements. The appointment of Rev. John W. Robinson, the retired pastor of St. Mark's, the city's largest AME church, was foreshadowed in newspaper stories about the mayor's visit to the Interdenominational Preachers Meeting of Greater New York and Vicinity on March 25. Robinson led that group. After their complainants about La Guardia's failure to appoint a minister, the mayor indicated he would consider appointing a nominee of the meeting. Stories in the Home News, New York Times, and New York World-Telegram and in the New York Amsterdam News and New York Age reported that the meeting chose Robinson. Evidence of an indirect political connection that may have made La Guardia receptive to that suggestion appeared in a New York Amsterdam News story on the couple's wedding: Robinson’s second wife, pharmacist Dr. Julia Coleman, was active in the Republican Party in Harlem.
That La Guardia told the Interdenominational Preachers Meeting that he would also appoint a second clergyman “chosen from a denomination not included in the Alliance” was reported only in the New York Age. It took until April 4, almost a week after Robinson's appointment, for the mayor to finalize that choice: Father McCann of St. Charles Borromeo Catholic Church on West 141st Street. The New York Amsterdam News made McCann's appointment the headline of the story it published on April 6 about the MCCH hearing. McCann had appeared in earlier newspaper stories as a result of a pastoral letter he made public on March 23 blaming Communists for the disorder and calling for a movement to keep them out of Harlem. The priest's anti-communism offered La Guardia a way to address those who had criticized those he had appointed as all liberals. However, La Guardia had clearly also decided the second clergyman on the committee should be Catholic as he had sought the advice of Edmund B. Butler, a prominent Catholic lawyer who was secretary of the city’s Emergency Relief Bureau, about whom to appoint immediately after he met with the Black ministers. Butler wrote to him the next day, to give him McCann’s name, which he had been unable to think of at that time: “He has always been very much interested in Negroes and volunteered for the work….I think that the appointment of him would be excellent.” A note on the letter recorded, “Father McCann is white,” likely another criteria for his selection given that the committee had two more Black members than white members after Robinson’s appointment. Several days later, on April 1, Butler spoke to La Guardia about McCann, after which he told the clergyman that La Guardia was going to appoint him. On April 4, La Guardia wrote to notify Roberts that he had appointed Father McCann. Even after the Communist Party wrote to both the MCCH and the Mayor to complain about McCann's appointment on April 25, the Daily Worker did not report it.
In the historical literature, only Lindsey Lupo identified all thirteen the members of the MCCH, in a chart that described their occupations in two or three words. Cheryl Greenberg named Delaney, Randolph, and, inexplicably, Cullen as examples of the "impressive range of experts" that La Guardia had appointed, also mistakenly including Frazier as a member of the commission. Naison only identified the number of "representative citizens" appointed, which he stated was eleven, neglecting the later appointments of Robinson and McCann. Johnson also mistakenly identified the MCCH as an eleven-member commission, without identifying any of the members. Kessner mentioned only Roberts, the chair, as did Watson.
Information on the attendance of the MCCH members at their meetings and public hearings was collated by their staff. The MCCH included its own appraisal of each members contribution to its work in the foreword of the version of its report it submitted to Mayor La Guardia. Who signed, and thereby endorsed the report of the subcommittee on crime and the MCCH's final report, was documented in the MCCH records.Black members:
Eunice Hunton Carter
- Press statement: “social worker and lawyer"
- New York Herald Tribune: "Lawyer and social worker, holds degrees from Smith College and Columbia and Fordham Universities, Republican-Fusion candidate for Assembly from 19th Manhattan District in 1934"
- New York Post: “lawyer and social worker and Fusion political leader”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "a social worker, lawyer and leader in every important progressive movement in the community, who knows Harlem in its gladness and sorrow"
- Meeting Attendance: 17
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 4 (missed May 18)
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
Countee Cullen
- Press statement: "author"
- New York Herald Tribune: "poet, graduate of New York University; contributor to magazines and newspapers and winner of several poetry awards"
- New York Post: “the poet”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "a young Negro pedagogue and poet, brought to the commission the point of view of the youth"
- Meeting Attendance: 11
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 4 (missed May 18)
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
Hubert T. Delany
- Press statement: "Tax Commissioner of the City of New York"
- New York Herald Tribune: "Negro, lawyer, graduate of the College of the City of New York and New York University Law School, Assistant United States Attorney under former United States Attorney Charles H. Tuttle, Republican candidate for House of Representatives from 21st Manhattan District in 1920. Commissioner of Board of Taxes and Assessments by appointment of Mayor LaGuardia in February 1934."
- New York Post: “lawyer and Republican leader"
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments of the City of New York, was well-qualified to anlayze the employment situation in Harlem. Mr Delany, a lawyer and former public official, was well-equipped to analyze the problem of unemployment with as little intellectual bias as anyone in the community."
- Meeting Attendance: 12
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 3 (missed May 4, May 18)
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
A. Philip Randolph
- Press statement: "Natl. President, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters"
- New York Herald Tribune: "general organizer and president of National Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, attended College of City of New York, founder of a magazine, 'The Messenger'"
- New York Post: “president of the National Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "a great leader in the labor movement displayed his keen sense of understanding as President of the International Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Mr Randolph brought to the Commission a greater understanding of labor problems as they affect the Negroes than any other man that could be found in the community. Harlem respects and admires A. Philip Randolph."
- Meeting Attendance: 7
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 5
- Reports signed: MCCH report (not in New York when the Subcommittee report was submitted)
Charles Roberts
- Press statement: "dentist"
- New York Herald Tribune: "Negro, dentist, graduate of Lincoln University, Republican candidate for House of Representatives from 21st District in 1924, member of Board of Aldermen, 1931-1933"
- New York Post: “dentist, Republican leader and former Alderman”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "selected for the reason that he has lived in the community of Harlem for over a quarter of a century. His life has been devoted to the development of the social, economic and cultural advancement of the community, both as a former public official and as a professional man. His unquestioned interest and knowledge of the community needs make him an outstanding representative of Harlem."
- Meeting Attendance: 20
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 5
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
Rev. John Robinson
- No press statement or newspaper stories about his appointment
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "a representative of the Interdenominational Ministers Alliance, symbolizes the opinion of Negro clergymen of Harlem. It is useless to state the churches of Harlem exercise the most vitalizing influence that can be found in this area."
- Meeting Attendance: 13
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 5
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
Charles Toney
- Press statement: "Municipal Court"
- New York Herald Tribune: "Justice of Municipal Court; graduate of Syracuse University, Tammany Democrat"
- New York Post: "justice of the Municipal Court and Democratic political leader”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "a Justice of the Municipal Court of the City of New York, was of great assistance in that by reason of his experience in what is known as the poor man's court, brought a legal understanding to the commission that was valuable."
- Meeting Attendance: 13
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 1 (missed April 6, April 20, May 4, May 18)
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
White members:
Morris L. Ernst
- Press statement: "lawyer;" “writer and publisher” in the Daily Mirror and New York American
- New York Herald Tribune: "lawyer, graduate of Columbia University, member of American Civil Liberties Union, counsel in many liberal causes, represented Mrs. Margaret Sanger, birth-control advocate; mediator in recent taxicab strike by appointment of Mayor LaGuardia"
- New York Post: "of the Civil Liberties Union,” and grouped with Hays
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "an eminent attorney, did yeoman service relative to the housing situation"
- Meeting Attendance: 6
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 2 (missed April 20, May 4, May 18)
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime
John J. Grimley
- Press statement: "doctor"
- New York Herald Tribune: "physician, lieutenant-colonel of 369th Infantry, National Guard of New York, crack Negro regiment"
- New York Post: “lieutenant-colonel of the Negro 369th Infantry, National Guard”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "brought to the Commission intimate contact with the manhood of Harlem through his experience as commanding officer of the 369th Infantry. Col. Grimley also rendered technical advice relative to the problem of health, having spent years as superintendent and director of various hospitals."
- Meeting Attendance: 5
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 4 (recorded as missing May 18, but was referred to as present in transcript)
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime
Arthur Garfield Hays
- Press statement: "lawyer"
- New York Herald Tribune: "Lawyer, graduate of Columbia University, counsel to American Civil Liberties Union, appeared as defense counsel in many cases involving civil liberties - coal strike in Pennsylvania, 1922; Scopes evolution trial in Tennessee, 1925; Countess Cathcart immigration case; Sacco-Vanzetti case in 1927, and most recently in defense of John Strachey, English lecturer threatened with deportation"
- New York Post: “of the Civil Liberties Union,” and grouped with Ernst
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "a champion of civil liberties, conducted with astuteness and patience the public hearings concerning the police and their treatment of Harlem. The information so adduced was of invaluable worth to the study."
- Meeting Attendance: 12
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 5 (chair)
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
Father McCann
- No press statement or newspaper stories about his appointment
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "represented the Catholic opinion of the community"
- Meeting Attendance: 5
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 3 (missed March 30 [not appointed at that time], May 18)
- Reports signed: Neither
William J. Schieffelin
- Press statement: "Trustee of the Tuskegee Institute”
- New York Herald Tribune: "Chemist, graduate of Columbia School of Mines and University of Munich, chairman of Citizens Union, trustee of Hampton Institute and Tuskegee Institute, schools for the education of Negroes"
- New York Post: “chairman of the Citizen's Union and of Tuskegee Institute, the Negro university”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "a trustee of Tuskegee Institute, a contributor and benefactor of the Negro race, a director of the Citizen's Union, and an exponent of social justice, contributed calm understanding of the perplexing problems that this committee dealt with."
- Meeting Attendance: 9
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 3 (missed May 4, May 18)
- Reports signed: MCCH report (not in New York when the subcommittee report was submitted)
Oswald Garrison Villard
- Press statement: "publisher"
- New York Herald Tribune: "owner of 'The Nation'; graduate of Harvard University, liberal crusader, grandson of William Lloyd Garrison, founder of 'The Liberator,' and apostle of abolition of slavery"
- New York Post: “editor of the Nation”
- Foreword to the MCCH report: "former editor and owner of a metropolitan daily, former professor at Harvard University and contributing editor to the Nation, a member of the NAACP, writer and lecturer, a keen student of American social problem, not excepting the oftern referred to Negro problem, brought a wealth of understanding and experience. It has been said of Mr Villard that his merciless scrutiny and analysis make him one of the foremost social philosophers of America."
- Meeting Attendance: 12
- Subcommittee on Crime Hearing Attendance: 5
- Reports signed: Subcommittee on crime; MCCH report
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Mayor La Guardia establishes an investigation
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Bundles of posters measuring two feet by two and a half feet were delivered to the 28th Precinct station on West 123rd Street during the evening of March 20. Over the course of the night, police officers distributed those posters to stores throughout Harlem, instructing staff to display them prominently in windows. At least one store owner taped the poster to his store window; the New York Evening Journal published a photograph of several Black and white men and boys gathered around it on March 21. “In bold type” on each poster was an appeal from Mayor LaGuardia “To the People of New York City,” a statement he had released to the press that morning. Concerned to avoid a renewal of the disorder of the previous night, he urged “the law-abiding element of Harlem to carefully scrutinize any charge, rumor or gossip being made at this time,” as the “few irresponsible individuals” who had instigated that violence with “bold statements…in mimeographed handbills and placards” might attempt to “repeat this spreading of false gossip, of misinformation and distributed misrepresentation in handbills or other printed matter.” To counter those sources, the mayor promised to supply “details of everything that that occurred.” That information would come from City agencies, and from the grand jury that he had instructed District Attorney William Dodge to have investigate the disorder. He announced in addition that he was appointing “a committee of citizens to check all official reports and to make a thorough investigation of the causes of the disorder and a study of necessary plans to prevent a repetition of the spreading of malicious rumors, racial animosities and the inciting of disorder.”
If the role of rumors and the activities of the Communist Party mentioned in the poster spurred the mayor’s decision to investigate the events of the disorder, a concern that the disorder not be seen as a race riot contributed to the emphasis on underlying causes rather than events of the disorders in the scope of the investigation. In a draft version the sentence announcing the committee read, “…and a study of necessary DEFENSIVE plans to prevent a repetition of the spreading of malicious rumors and the instigation of RACIAL disorder,” with the word “racial” crossed out in pencil. In a second draft, “defensive” was also crossed out, “racial animosities” inserted, and “instigation of racial disorder” changed to “inciting of disorder” to produce the final text. The intent of those edits was made clear when a reporter for the New York Herald Tribune queried the mayor about the choice of the phrase “unfortunate occurrence” to describe the disorder asking, "You do not regard the trouble up there as a race riot?" "No," he replied, "you see, we have to be careful. We don't know yet what was the underlying cause of the trouble. We can't say on the basis of what we know that it was fundamentally racial. Certainly an outburst like that which happened Wednesday night doesn't go off unless there was smouldering some underlying feeling. What the causes of that were are what I want the fact-finding committee to find out. It may go back 100 years."
It is unclear what led La Guardia to conclude that the city government releasing information would not be enough to calm Harlem residents or prevent further disorder. The NAACP did send La Guardia a telegram on March 20 calling for “a biracial commission to make an independent investigation of riot in Harlem last night” that examined the “fundamental as well as immediate causes of trouble with right to examine witnesses and all pertinent records.” Although the organization would later issue a press release claiming that suggestion was responsible for the mayor deciding to set up an investigation, he likely was responding to more than that prompt.
As police distributed the posters displaying the mayor’s appeal, 7.5 miles to the south at City Hall La Guardia announced the names of the eleven individuals he had appointed to that committee. The press release provided a broader charge for them than his earlier statement: “the investigation of social and economic conditions in west Harlem,” “the ascertainment of the causes of the disturbances which occurred on the night of March 19,” and “recommendations for the betterment of conditions and the prevention of a repetition of disorder and violence.” La Guardia did give more attention to the events of the disorder when he later explained his approach to journalists. “The checking of violence through adequate policing and the arrest of ringleaders,” was one of the two lines along which he said the situation in Harlem had to be approached, alongside “the amelioration of condition which gave rise to the suppressed feeling of hostility by the Negro population which was let loose on Tuesday night.” However, that framing suggested that investigation of the events of the disorder was largely in the hands of the grand jury investigation that the mayor had asked District Attorney Dodge to undertake. La Guardia seemed to confirm that later when confronted by a reporter from the Daily Worker who claimed that Dodge’s investigation was at odds with the work he had assigned the Committee, insisting in response that “these are two separate and distinct functions.” However, the mayor did not follow the district attorney in rushing to blame Communists for the disorder. The printed statement did not mention the Young Liberators or Communists by name. When a journalist asked La Guardia about that omission, “He would not say whether he agreed with the police that the instigators were Communists.” That reticence did not stop publications at opposite ends of the political spectrum, the anti-Communist Hearst newspaper the New York Evening Journal and the Communist Daily Worker, from reporting that the statement did hold Communists responsible for the disorder even if it did not mention them by name. -
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Dodge's grand jury investigation
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Special grand juries had been part of the response to earlier racial disorders in Chicago, East St. Louis, and Springfield. The decision to use those bodies had largely been in response to the scale of the disorder. Mayor La Guardia appeared to have different motives when he telephoned District Attorney William Dodge on the night of the disorder to ask him to convene the grand jury. It was one prong of the response the mayor outlined in a statement distributed in Harlem the morning after the disorder, with the goal of providing “details of everything that that occurred" to counter the rumors and material being distributed by groups affiliated with the Communist Party. Investigation of the broader causes of the disorder La Guardia assigned to a committee of citizens who would name themselves the Mayor's Commission on Conditions in Harlem (MCCH).
Dodge made clear from the outset that he saw the grand jury as an opportunity to investigate Communists, echoing the anticommunism of the Heart newspapers, particularly the New York Evening Journal and New York American. La Guardia was more reticent about assigning blame to Communists. Avoiding the disorder being labeled a race riot was of more concern to him. Police Commissioner Valentine was also unwilling to embrace the DA's full-throated focus on holding white radicals responsible for the disorder.
Despite the broad accusations about Communist activity unrelated to the disorder and plans to target it that Dodge made outside the grand jury hearings, the indictments produced by the proceedings themselves did not charge anyone with ties to the Communist Party other than Harry Gordon, Daniel Miller, and the three Young Liberators arrested on West 125th Street at the very beginning of the disorder. Even in those cases, Dodge had to walk back the indictments the day after they were voted and reduce the riot charges against the men from a felony to a misdemeanor, undercutting his claims about their leading role in provoking violence. Most of the indictments charged men with looting and breaking windows, the same offenses, and in most cases the same men, being charged in the Magistrates Court. Despite Dodge's public statements promising many indictments targeting Communists, only a handful were voted before he quietly ended the hearings. His preoccupations not only distorted the picture of the events of the disorder presented in the press but removed an opportunity to investigate the details of what had happened. The only effort to do so would come from the MCCH and be limited in scope by their focus on conditions in the neighborhood.Events